Documenti Chiesa

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4. The mention of Finland in ecclesiastical documents. The "Findia"

Much of the history of relations between Finland and the Church of Rome can be reconstructed on the basis of documents of an ecclesiastical nature. However, these rarely move away from an aridity of chancery contents, but precisely because of this characteristic they take on a testimony value equal to, if not superior, to that covered by literary sources. For the Vatican secretariat, or for the pope when he writes in the first person, it was not a question of "making literature", or of attempting to reconstruct obscure ethno-geographic realities, nor should the "auctores" be respected in the name of cultural continuation.

If there is a tradition that these drafters must respect, it is one that dutifully refers to the interest of the Church and, consequently, of Christianity, in small as well as in big things, in the detailed regulation of tithes due as well as in far-reaching political projects. what were the Nordic Crusades.

Their bureaucratic tone, often of modest chancery "routine", is for us a guarantee of the authenticity of what they report, in fact in the documents neither monsters nor Amazons appear, we do not find references to Hyperboreans or Thule, but to a common, even daily reality. However, some of this material does not fail to express great passions and irrepressible religious ardor; in other documents the evangelical inspiration is confused with the economic interest, if not even with greed, the Christian spirit with the mercantile one, the "Realpolitik" with idealism.

Unfortunately, the documentation we have is incomplete, in fact many of these testimonies have been lost over the centuries, especially those of local Finnish interest1. To complete the collection of documents saved from fires, looting and dispersions, preserved in the Turku Cathedral under the name of "Svartbok" or "Mustakirja", it was necessary to resort to the Vatican archives, so Finnish scholars have repeatedly undertaken the journey through this "mare magnum" 2.

Thus the poet and scholar Fredrik Cygnaeus succeeded in bringing back to his homeland, between 1845-1846, numerous documents of great historical importance and still others after him completed the work of recovery1. However, it was worth the effort, in fact "every medieval Vatican document is an irreplaceable historical source" 2.

It was therefore the Vatican secretariat that, over the centuries, dealt with the written testimonies that interest us. This was the largest and best organized chancellery of the Middle Ages and an improved notarial technique developed in it. Known until the 11th century as the "scrinium", with the growing needs it was divided into several departments in the 13th century1. One of them was undoubtedly in charge of monitoring the situation in the Nordic countries; from here the papal bulls for Finland departed. 2

Obviously the pope personally dealt only with a necessarily limited part of the bulls issued, in fact, as of 1527 the files containing the papal bulls were approximately 3200, with a total number of pages of about two million1. The pontiff consequently delegated the issue to the notaries of the chancellery, so it was these officials who managed the correspondence with Finland, whose problems the pope had to deal with only in relation to moments of crisis that involved much greater interests that were not those of priests, monasteries, canons and private citizens2. Likewise he did not have to read the vast majority of their pleas in response to which the bulls were sent. An interesting aspect of this correspondence is that most of the supplications, their number must have been truly colossal coming from the entire Christian world, were not preserved, but recycled and the scrolls, after the text had been deleted, were reused in name of a wise, but unscientific, economics3.

The Vatican documents of the medieval period concerning Finland have almost all been published, the rest are not, however, of particular interest for the purposes of our study. The two main collections were edited by R. Hausen, former director of the Finnish State Archives, respectively in the "Registrum Ecclesiae Aboensis" or "Svartbok-Mustakirja" of 1890, which includes the documents preserved or in any case copied in Finland and , in greater numbers, in the "Finlands Medeltidsurkunder", published between 1910 and 19351.

The first reference to Scandinavian countries that appears in a papal document is dated around 823 and concerns the conferral of jurisdiction over those who are "in partibus aquilonis" to Bishop Ebo of Reims. Scandinavia is therefore indicated in a very generic way in this letter sent by Pasquale I, a clear sign of the ignorance that reigned in Rome regarding the Scandinavian countries. Ten years later, around 832, however, the diction becomes less vague and we speak of peoples "Sueonum sive Danorum nec non etiam Slavorum". The merit of this greater precision in defining the boundaries of northern Christianity is certainly attributable to Ansgario, to whom the appointment of Gregory IV is directed1.

The channel through which information concerning Scandinavia reached the Holy See, as well as the state of evangelization, is therefore represented by the Nordic Church itself, which, it must be believed, also supplied it to the imperial chancellery, from which in fact a document issued comes from by Ludovico il Pio in 834 which reports the same diction.

In the 11th century, the names of Iceland ("Islant"), Lapps ("Scideuinnum") and Greenland ("Gronlant") 1 began to be mentioned. With the papal bull of Pasquale II of 1103 we are geographically approaching Finland, it is in fact confirmed to the archbishop of Lund, who is conferred the "pallium", the jurisdiction over the northern territories2.

Thus we come to what is commonly considered to be the first mention of the name "Finland" that appeared in a non-Nordic written source, contained in a "provincial" dating back to the time of Pope Callixtus II, believed to be dated to around 1120. of a list concerning the dioceses and provinces of Europe, probably drawn up by the Roman Curia and kept in the Laurentian Library in Florence, which is why it is also known as the "Florentine Document" 1.

Together with the "Hestia" it mentions the "Findia", both indicated as islands belonging to the kingdom of Sweden1. The historical period to which the substance of this document dates back is not long before the first Swedish intervention in Finland and could consequently demonstrate that the beginning of the papal interest in the country of the Suomalaiset should be backdated by about thirty years2. In this case, there would be no doubt that "Findia" should be understood as Varsinais-Suomi, the area that the Church and the Swedish allies looked at; the fact that it is considered an island does not surprise us, we know that as such it already appeared in the eyes of Adam of Bremen, and therefore of the episcopate of Hamburg-Bremen, which could, but it is not sure, trace the source back to which the extender drew. However, a doubt has been put forward, namely that this "Findia" is not southwestern Finland, but a region of southern Sweden, the land of the Finnveden, whose people had already been previously confused, due to the affinity of the denominations , with the Finni1.

The identification of "Findia" with a part of Sweden had been supported by Swedish scholars1, mainly on the basis of historical considerations. In fact, accepting the interpretation of the document given by the scholars who supported the "Finnish" thesis 2 we should in fact backdate the presence in Finland of the Church and the Swedes from 1150 to about 1120, but, if it is true that Christianization by this time had already penetrated in southwestern Finland and Åland, the hypothesis that the part of Finland which one would like to refer to as "Findia" was "insula de Regno Sueonum" cannot easily be accepted. It would also be necessary to assume, as the document would lead us to believe, the existence of a Swedish kingdom which in the eleventh century extended its authority over the regions indicated in this "Nomina civitatum de Regno Sueonum", of which we have no convincing confirmation from other sources. In fact, according to Adam of Bremen, the Swedish monarchy ruled, around 1070, over Östergötland and Västergötland, Mälar and Helsingland, while Gotland, Åland, Finland and the Baltic-eastern regions were under Danish rule. However, we must bear in mind that the references made by Adam of Bremen to Finland and Åland are too obscure to be a reliable indication of historical value. The problem is therefore complex, in fact, as Gallén3 notes, we must also take into consideration the geographic ignorance of the copyist of the "Florentine Document", who confuses Swedish and Norwegian cities, inserting, for example, the "civitas Lunda" among those of Norway. It is therefore possible that even the "Findia", if Finland is truly to be recognized in it, ended up by mistake among the provinces of Sweden, whose geographical delimitation is, moreover, rather confused in this text1.

Everything could be clearer if we knew with certainty what was the source from which the writer of the document drew. Did it come from an ecclesisastic archive or from the Swedish monarchy? Or was it instead of literary origin? It is not possible to respond with certainty to this fundamental curiosity, but, we must add, a dependence, albeit indirect, on Adam of Bremen could be taken into consideration, knowing the extent of the relations that the Hamburg-Bremen diocese had with the Church. and the Danish monarchical power. We also know that Adam used the name "Finnedi" to indicate the "Finnvedi" of Finnheden1. Furthermore, this list of localities runs from west to east; it can therefore be noted that, not finding the mention of "Findia" at the end of the aforementioned list (that is, "Findia" does not occupy the easternmost position) it could be deduced that it was actually a locality in mainland Sweden.

The identification of "Findia" with Finland was justified mainly on the basis of the consideration that Estonia must be recognized in the "Hestia". If it is indeed the land of the Estonians, the supporters of the "Finnish" thesis essentially say, it follows that "Findia" cannot be other than the country of Suomi1. However, the fact remains that this document does not clearly specify the nature of the dependence of "Findia" and "Hestia" on Sweden, which was supposed to be of a political-ecclesiastical or more simply fiscal type2.

In conclusion, we cannot refuse the identification with Finland, given the convincing arguments presented by the supporters of this thesis, however, there remain the doubts of a historical nature concerning above all an alleged dependence of southwestern Finland on the Church and the Swedish monarchy in this era, of course. if by dependence we mean the presence of organized structures, while that of Christian settlements is undoubted, which is why we believe that in the "Florentine Document" the historical reality is in a certain sense forced and, a posteriori, after the actual entry of Finland in the Swedish orbit, the reference to the country of Suomi has been inserted. However, this compromise solution is acceptable only on the basis of an exact dating of the drafting of the document in question and not only of its original1. However, there remains the problem relating to the definition of the historical period to which the Florentine copy dates back, which could have been the subject of both transcription errors and expressly desired manipulations. The environment of the diocese of Hamburg-Bremen, if the original is actually to be traced back to it, was in fact at the center of conflicting interests that divided the Roman Curia and the local ecclesiastical authorities as regards the management of the conversion of the northern peoples, but he was also affected by the disagreements that troubled relations between the papacy and the empire2.

In a subsequent period, therefore, a falsification could have taken place, carried out by the "German" party, aimed at claiming a leading role of Hamburg-Bremen and diminishing that played by Lund1, in fact still in 1123 Pope Callisto II confirms the rights to the archbishop of Hamburg on the entire Nordic church2 and the same was done by Innocent II in 1133.

It cannot therefore be ruled out that these internal political-ecclesiastical contrasts in some way conditioned the drafting of the "Florentine Document", given that the papal bulls concerning the Nordic dioceses clearly indicate an ongoing conflict between Lund and Hamburg-Bremen, the whose metropolitan was supported by the emperor. The Florentine copy could therefore also be after 1120-1123, in fact the controversy was still current in 1154-1159, when Pope Adrian IV ordered the archbishop of Lund to become the primate of Sweden and this in contrast with the will of the emperor Frederick I, who in 1158 had reconfirmed the supremacy of Hamburg-Bremen over Scandinavia1. Read in this light our document can be considered a forgery wanted in an imperial environment to deny Lund's power over part of the Scandinavian territories.

Gallén suggests another interesting starting point for our research, informing us that the author of the copy we have received may have been an Italian copyist who was obviously unfamiliar with Scandinavian toponymy and who is therefore responsible for the geographical errors that are found in the "Florentine Document" 1. We do not know how this list came into his hands, but we believe that Gallén's suggestion, that is, it would be a defense of German episcopal or imperial interests, is valid and indicates the right direction to move in order to trace the reasons for the Italian origin. of the document, or at least of this copy.

Gallén suggests another interesting starting point for our research, informing us that the author of the copy we have received may have been an Italian copyist who was obviously unfamiliar with Scandinavian toponymy and who is therefore responsible for the geographical errors that are found in the "Florentine Document" 1. We do not know how this list came into his hands, but we believe that Gallén's suggestion, that is, it would be a defense of German episcopal or imperial interests, is valid and indicates the right direction to move in order to trace the reasons for the Italian origin. of the document, or at least of this copy.

5. The bubbles of the anti-pagan struggle

On 9 September 1172 (or 1171) from Tusculum Pope Alexander III issues the bull "Gravis admodum" in which we find the first, indisputable reference to the Finnish situation, as well as the name "Phinni", which since the time of Jordanes had not been most used.

From what we read in the "Gravis admodum" we get the impression that the papacy looks to Finland as an integral part of the northern Christian world, but reproaches its inhabitants for having detached themselves from the Catholic faith1. If that weren't enough, they are more interested in earthly cares than in the salvation of their souls; when threatened by the Russians, however, they turn to the Church and seek consolation from its clergy, whom they resume harassing as soon as the danger has passed. In the future, the pontiff concludes, the "Phinni" will have to be obliged to remain steadfast in their fidelity and to observe the precepts of the Church.

The dating of the document is of particular importance, in fact its exact determination can anticipate, or postpone, the testimony of a direct intervention in Finland by the Church and Sweden. Jalmari Jaakkola convincingly fixed it as 1172, and his opinion is now commonly accepted1.

Its intended audience is the Archbishop of Uppsala and Jarl Guttorm and it has been suggested that this was a response to a request for help, or a written report, from Sweden. The bull was therefore not addressed to the Swedish sovereign, but to the aforementioned jarl Guttorm, who ruled only over certain regions of the country. The choice of this recipient was probably recommended in consideration of the internal conflicts that were agitating the Swedish monarchy and, consequently, the local ecclesiastical hierarchy. Behind this bubble, which had been issued bearing in mind the entire political situation of Scandinavia, the existence of a wider movement of interests, including diplomatic ones, is therefore guessed.

As far as its content is concerned, we note that first of all a request for help from the Swedish clergy and civil administration who had recently settled in Finland, both threatened by an offensive return of the eastern neighbors and the "pagans", must be identified. who did not intend to submit1.

The "enemies" to which Alexander III refers are not given a name. It could be the Hämäläiset, still pagan, or the Estonians, or the Karelians, or the Russian neighbors. In other words, it is not excluded that between the Swedes and the Christian component of Varsinais-Suomi a form of alliance was in place aimed at facing an external threat represented by the Russians of Novgorod and the Karelians. In conclusion, the most probable hypothesis is that the "pagans" in question in this bubble are the Finnish allies of Novgorod, who come to assume the role of "otherness" with respect to the Finnish-Swedish Christian world.

The substance of this document is however to refer to the wider movement of political interests in which Varsinais-Suomi is now also involved. In fact, in these same years the entire south-eastern Baltic area was becoming a conflict zone between the Christian West and the Orthodox East, which is why the pontiff himself, as the "Gravis admodum" demonstrates, wants to reserve for the Apostolic See in the first person the conduct of such a policy which went beyond the interests of Christian Finland1. The mention of the "Phinni" must therefore be seen in this context.

It is of particular interest also from a more strictly onomastic point of view, its Latin derivation could in fact show that a tradition involving the use of a term such as "Finlandenses" had not yet been established in the context of the papal chancellery.

In conclusion, the "Gravis admodum" is of fundamental importance for us as it provides us with a starting date of the relations between Rome and Finland at the level of documentation and at the same time reintroduces the name of "Phinni" indicating, however, this time the Suomalaiset and not the Lapps.

In the decades immediately following the sending of the "Gravis admodum" we find no other explicit mentions to Finland, except for a reference to the "episcopatus Aboensis" contained in a "Liber censuum" concerning the year 1192, drawn up however in the 15th century, therefore a non-probative document as the first testimony relating to the mention of the Swedish name of the city of Turku, whose diocese was defined as "episcopatus Finlandensis" until the mid-thirteenth century.

On 30 October 1209 from the Lateran Pope Innocent III addressed the bull "Ex tuarum" to the archbishop of Lund, Andrea, who held the post of papal legate. It is linked to the theme of the propagation of Christianity in a society that was still pagan until recent times and to the problem of appointing a bishop for the Finnish diocese1.

In this document the Christianized part of Finland is called "Fialanda", therefore it is the first mention of the country of the Suomalaiset that appeared in a papal bull1. Of the "Fialanda" Innocent III does not seem to know much more than the name, as confirmed by the passage "cum quaedam terra, quae Fialanda dicitur", which also appears in a corrupt form2.

As for its historical content, it has recently been debunked by Wuorinen and Christiansen, especially as it should represent an implicit reference to the so-called first Finnish crusade1. It is probable that the bubble represents an indirect confirmation of the interests of the Swedish monarchy and the Church of Lund in this part of the Baltic as they had begun to elaborate an organic strategy of military engagement aimed at conquering firm territorial domination in Finland. However, the reading of the "Ex tuarum" confirms the resizing of the image that painted the Finns as unreliable neophytes in terms of fidelity to the Church, even if it is not completely canceled. Although some decades had passed during which the work of Christianization had made progress, the Finns had not made themselves completely reliable in the eyes of the pontiff, who in fact refers to the "ejusdem regionis hominum pertinaciam". According to the pope's opinion, the country is in such unstable conditions, also due to the danger coming from outside, it can be deduced, that the bishop who will be sent there is at risk of martyrdom.

An understanding of God, the Finns are doveva la fama di essere ben poco rooted themselves to the nature of this "almost no one is always to serve the government of the throne of the grace bestows, for the name of Christ, unless he desires not to suffer the torment of those who, inflamed with zeal for the Divine Word". During di più che l'Arcivescovo Charlotte put her come nuovo rappresentante "by those already endured more appeasing emotions." Eppure Shut Innocenzo 3, e che la Chiesa necessarily continuous, grazie a cost, la own works of "new plant" "to root out paganism ends and an error propagation of the Christian faith".

The fame of this not very docile nature of the Finni had to be well rooted if "nullus fere ad illius regimen sedis aspirat, nisi qui divini verbi zelo succensus pati exoptat pro Christi nomine cruciatus". Moreover, the one whom Archbishop Andrew proposes as his new representative "ab eis plura jam sustinuit piacula passionum". And yet, concludes Innocent III, it is necessary for the Church to continue, thanks to him, his work of "novella plantatio" "ad extirpandum paganitatis errorm et terminos christianae fidei dilatandos".

The "Ex tuarum" presents a further element that must be emphasized, appearing in it a reference that goes beyond the concerns of high politics, in fact the land of "Fialanda" is not only inhabited by people of dubious firmness in Christian principles, but it also appears to be hostile as a result of the climate, so much so that the new representative of Rome had to be ready to endure the "intemperiem loci".

In order to eliminate the danger of the "pagans", Innocent III recalls, we must not go too far, which is why he confers full powers on the archbishop of Lund regarding their eradication from the territories placed under Danish and Swedish control, that is the lands Baltic countries, probably including Finland1. On April 4, 1216, a new bull is issued from the Lateran, addressed to Erik Knutsson "rex Suetie", with which the sovereign and the archbishop of Uppsala are placed, a position established in the same year, under the high protection of Rome, with the task of continuing to defend the country against the "pagans". At the same time, it is announced that Uppsala will have jurisdiction over one or two new bishoprics2. This bull therefore represents the papal acceptance of the rights to the throne claimed by Erik's lineage, which had been in conflict with that of Sverker. While not explicitly stated, it is assumed that the new sovereign also extended his authority to a part of Finland which is probably the land of the "pagans" referred to in the bubble. However, it must be borne in mind that this investiture was also valid for other Baltic territories in which the struggle for the affirmation of Christianity was underway.

The papacy's concern for the pressure and resistance of the "pagans" also form the nucleus of the bull of Honorius III of 13 January 1221, a document addressed to the bishop of Finland1. The "barbarian nations" referred to here are certainly represented by the Finnish populations still not Christianized and by the Baltic-Eastern ones, towards which the maritime blockade proposed by the pontiff is directed in particular. From the document we therefore get the impression that the regions of Finland already under the control of the Church and the Swedish monarchy have now been absorbed by the Western Christian world, so much so that now a bishopric can be established there, of which we have no news in previous times. safe in pontifical documents.

However, Finland still remains a frontier land as it is subject to external danger, which is why the Holy See continues to keep it under its own protection2. In a few years the work of the Finnish Church becomes so active that it is necessary to transfer the episcopal see "ad locum in eadem diocesi magis aptum", that is, but the name of the city is not given, in Turku, or more probably Koroinen.

Permission is granted by Gregory IX with the bull sent by Perugia in response to the request from Finland on 23 January 12291. Beyond the importance of the historical content of this document, we would like to underline that "Venerabilis frater noster Finlandensis episcopus" which here appears. There are no longer any historical-geographical hesitations or transcription errors that can make us doubt. 1229 is therefore unquestionably the year in which the name of the people of Suomi appears for the first time according to the final form to which it will remain linked in the West.

The same date brings another document of no less interest. This is the attestation on the basis of which Gregory IX takes the bishop, the clergy and the people of Finland under the protection of the papacy. The bull is addressed to the bishop of Linköping, the Cistercian abbot of Gotland and the "prepositus" of Visby1. The name "Finlandensis" reappears here, but also the clear sign of concern for the fate of the country and its people, threatened, it must be assumed, by external enemies, the same "pagans" referred to earlier. However, it cannot be excluded that this document has a deeper political significance, since it is actually addressed, the admonitions it contains could not in fact be directed to those who lived outside the "ecclesia", to the Christians themselves, that is, in essence, to those kings , princes and knights who in another part of the Baltic did not always move in accordance with the wishes and interests of Rome. This papal stance towards them highlights even more the importance of Gregory IX's initiative to protect the Finns who are now, truly, an integral part of the "ecclesia". No more "pagans" whom little can be trusted, but good Christians to defend. Without doubt this papal protection represented for the Finns a guarantee that they would no longer be treated as "enemies" by those who had the political interest to continue to consider them as such.

However, the papal act tends, and this is clearly stated again in 1229, to safeguard the Finnish people and their Christian institutions from a more immediate danger, the Russian threat. The date of the document in question is still January 23, 1229, testifying how in those days Gregory IX had completed a complex plan to defend the ecclesial and political interests of Rome in distant Finland. This country, therefore, ignored or poorly known in contemporary times by chroniclers, writers and geographers, assumes in the eyes of the Curia a role that is anything but negligible in the strategy of the Christian West. The strong bond that unites Finland to Italy, the documents to which we have referred depart from the Lateran, from Tusculum, from Perugia and, as we shall see, also from Viterbo, is the only one that breaks its isolation.

The Vatican Curia therefore plays a role of decisive importance for the country of Suomi, which is now no longer a simple expression of a poorly known geography, but a reality in the European concert. So it is also for his "magnus populus", and here it is not just a question of high prelates, knights, merchants, generally of Swedish origin, but also of common people, a vulgar that now has a name, even if it is not what it is. his ancestors had given themselves, but the one imposed by neighboring peoples. It is now a real entity even in the eyes of the highest spiritual, but now also political, authority of the West.

The thin threads that had linked him to Italy in the classical and early medieval times have now been re-knotted and become real and operating ties in a political and cultural development sense. The people of Finland have not found in the papacy only a protector but also a witness of their individuality, not denied by others, but simply ignored.

In this bull, Gregory IX addresses the bishop of Riga and the Cistercian abbot of Dünamünde, once again the missionary and militant Churches, to invite them to promote a commercial blockade against the Russian "pagans", which is destined to last as long as they continue to threaten the newly converted inhabitants of Finland1.

Next to the term "Finlandensis" we find in the document that of "Finland", so finally we can also date the first appearance of the name of the town of Suomi, in the correct form, in a document of ecclesiastical origin, whose value is still valid for the entire West. Finally, let us underline another important aspect of this bull, a perfect example of the yardstick according to which the world and the Christian hierarchy look to the peoples of the North. Only fifty years earlier the Finnish one was considered with suspicion, being "ydolatrie cultuj servientem", while now it has finally converted with sincerity to the true faith, "ewangelicando nomen Domini nostra Ihesu Christi de nouo".

In the time of Adam of Bremen as well as that of Gregory IX, the anti-Nordic prejudice is therefore firmly based on the assumption that the "good" are Christian, while the "bad" are not. Remaining in the field of the latter, the Finns are the object of mistrust and denial in terms of cultural understanding; passing into that of the former they become ennobled and acquire new virtues. In this respect, the bubbles we have examined mark an extremely important turnaround in the history of the prejudice suffered by the Finns in the Middle Ages.

However, not all the inhabitants of Finland have acquired this new reputation as good Christians in the eyes of the Church. The prohibition to trade with the Russians is in fact reconfirmed by Gregory IX on February 16, 1229, the recipients are the same as the other letters and the aim is always to protect the Catholic Finns. But protect them from whom? The papal letter speaks of "pagans", therefore it is not the Russians, to whom this appellation is not commonly attributed in papal documents, but the same relatives of the southwestern Finns, mainly the inhabitants of Häme and Karelia1. Around 1200 the alliance between the Karelians and the Russians of Novgorod was in fact already in place and the first hostilities had begun between the Finns of the Swedish territories and the eastern neighbors.

The confirmation that these "pagans" are to be identified with the Finns not subject to Swedish-Catholic influence is provided by two bulls of a little later, both issued on 9 January 1230 by Gregory IX who addressed them to the archbishop of Uppsala Olof and to the bishop Bengt of Linköping. In them, as enemies of Christianity equated to the Saracens, the Ingri, the Estonians and the Vows are mentioned1 and the mention of the Latin name of Karelia is also reported.

Careliani, Ingri and Votes would therefore represent the "barbaric" nations that seek to eradicate the "novella plantatio" from Finland, as confirmed by the other bull dated 9 January 12301. Honorius III had again alluded to this attempt on 13 January 1221 to justify the economic block he proposed 2.

In the Finnish context, the Hämäläisets also represented a danger to Catholic interests, which is why the pontiff felt that the time had come to eliminate them. In this way the influence of the Church of Rome and the crown of Sweden could have been extended to the region they inhabited.

On 9 December 1237 Gregory IX issues a bull addressed to the archbishop of Uppsala and his suffragans with the order to promote the crusade. The text of this bubble is characterized by a style that differentiates it from the others that preceded it. It is no longer the meager and ultimately cancerous one of the documents cited up to now, but it becomes more alive, richer in literary and rhetorical devices. It is in fact a real propaganda manifesto, suitable to be read in the churches of Sweden and Finland, tending to arouse the indignation of the faithful and the warrior ardor of the representatives of the cavalry of these two countries1. The bull arrived in Sweden not before February 1238, but the crusade had to begin only in the spring of 1239 under the leadership of Birger Magnusson, and not in 1249 as it was believed in the past on the basis of the "Erikskrönika" 2.

The military expedition is directed against the "Tauesti", perhaps already Christianized before 1237 and later revolted against the ecclesiastical authorities, perhaps also due to the excessive tax burden1. However, the substance of the bubble also seems to concern other "enemy crosses" to be identified with the Russians of Novgorod and their Karelian allies against whom the Neva expedition was later directed.

The alleged cruelty of the Hämäläiset was therefore colored too brightly for propaganda reasons and perhaps they did not deserve in reality to be mentioned for the first time in an ecclesiastical document, together with the name of their region, "Tauestia", under such an unfavorable light.

However, the Eastern policy of the Finnish Church managed by Thomas did not obtain the desired results towards the Russians and the bishop, disappointed by the failure, asked to retire. Giving him permission, Pope Innocent IV mentions in his letter, sent from Lyons on February 24, 1245, the name "Fillandie", an obvious mistake by the copyist1.

If the judgment expressed by the pontiff on the account of the inhabitants of Finland is particularly severe as long as they remain pagans, when they become Christians they are called "dilecti filii", as Innocent IV in 1249 defines the clergy and the people as "Finlandie" to whom he renews the promise protection 1.

Comparing the text of this bull to that of the document dated 1237, we realize how, in the moment of evaluating the Finnish peoples, the attitude of the high ecclesiastical hierarchies passes from one extreme to the other. It is in fact based on the evaluation of their degree of belonging to the Christian world. These "devoted and humble children" are close relatives of the rippers of a few years earlier, they still lived in the same social and economic conditions, they had the same customs and the same customs since even in the regions of the most ancient Christian tradition the "novella plantatio" had only touched the surface of their religiosity.

However, it is sufficient that they are baptized, and consequently accept the institutions of the Church, to be rehabilitated in the eyes of the pontiff. As an example of this reality we can cite a bull that Alexander IV wrote on August 3, 1255. In it the tones of the anti-pagan polemic appear more nuanced since the possibility of a conversion by the Carelians, the Ingri and the Vows has been proposed, in consideration of the which the pope had authorized Albert, bishop of Riga, to appoint a representative of the Church from among those peoples1.

However, the project cannot be completed and, once again, in the face of the refusal of baptism, the pontiff's reaction is vehement. Where the missionary Church has failed, the militant one will have to act; consequently the pope orders the archbishop of Uppsala to ban the crusade against the Karelian pagans and their allies "contra predictam generationem perfidam in Regno ipso predices verbum crucis" 1.

An interesting detail of this document is represented by the mention of the inhabitants of Karelia (defined "enemies of Christ") called with the Finnish name "Cariali" ("qui Cariali wlgariter appellantur"). It is probable that this denomination reached the Curia through the king of Sweden, who, as is expressly stated in the bull, had sent his representatives to the pontiff to invite him to promote the crusade.

The references to the cruelty of which the Karelians and the other Finni allies of Novgorod are stained are therefore due to the Swedish war propaganda that finds an attentive listener in the pope, who does not intend to forgive them, in addition to the brutality they had stained towards of Catholics, the destruction and desecration of places of worship. Behind this bubble, of course, there is not only the desire to defend Swedish Finland from this looming danger, but also to resume the war against the Russians with more vigor. Once again, therefore, the "propaganda of fear" serves to justify an act of a political nature.

As for the thirteenth century, there are no other bubbles of particular importance to mention. At the end of the century, the Church of Finland was moving towards what we could define as a normal administration of the territories subjected to it. According to the reading of the documents, the same papal intervention, after 1275, is no longer so insistent, a sign both of the greater certainty of positions acquired in the North, and of the decline in the importance of the "Eastern strategy". Other problems now absorb the energies of Boniface VIII1.

6. The documents of the secc. XIV and XV

If on the one hand the number of documents concerning Finland is progressively increasing over time, their historical importance, always with regard to relations with the outside world, does not go hand in hand. In addition to the interest that we can define as a political one, the missionary enthusiasm of the early days of evangelization has also fallen, or, more simply, the problems are no longer at a European level.

Reading the fourteenth-century bubbles we get the impression that the town of Suomi has returned to being a remote corner of the continent. It is true that in those years there was no real peace on the eastern borders, but where did it reign in Europe? Wars, riots, external threats to Christianity were not lacking, in addition to epidemics, famines and religious diatribes. What, then, can the skirmishes or battles still involving Christian arms in Finland represent in the eyes of the pope, if not tolerable manifestations of a "tempus terrible" anyway?

The popes themselves have their own grave concerns, the unity of the Church is threatened and the wind of heresy is blowing impetuously. Thus the pontiffs devote their attention to Finland mainly to deal with exactions, tithes, the sale of indulgences; in short, they manage a position of domination by now acquired, revealing an all too earthly concern for this as well as for other parts of Christianity.

However, there is no lack of documents that can help us understand the historical events of which the Finns were protagonists and supporting actors. In a bull dated 7 December 1301, Boniface VIII reminds the bishop of Tallinn that the Karelians, the Ingri and the Vows, although Christianized, are not yet firm in their faith. In fact, he would have done better to say clearly that they continued to represent a danger as allies of the Russians. From a document of Finnish origin dating back to around 1321, however, we get the impression that the Holy See is no longer as committed as in the past to defending Finland from the threat posed by Novgorod and its Finnish allies, who frequently invade the country carrying out atrocities in expenses of the inhabitants. On the part of the civil authorities it is therefore suggested to grant those who undertake to face the enemy the same benefits attributed to those who go to the Holy Land. In essence, a new crusade is proposed. The papacy could not adhere to this request or, perhaps, the treaty stipulated in 1323 between Sweden and Russia did not make it more relevant. When, between 1348 and 1350, King Magnus of Sweden resumed hostilities against Novgorod, unsuccessfully, probably also as a consequence of the plague epidemic, the papacy had to be urged again to assume a more energetic attitude of defense. By now, however, times had changed and the only help the pope can provide to the king consists in the promise to donate half of the proceeds of the tithes collected by the Church in Norway and Sweden for a period of four years.

King Magnus' request to Clement VI, presented by the envoys to the Avignon court, was accompanied by a chilling testimony on the horrors committed by the Russians at the expense of the Karelians and the Ingri, recently converted, to force them to abjure1. These populations, once made up of "cruel pagans" have now themselves become objects of persecution and need papal protection2.

The Scandinavian clergy proved very diligent in carrying out the will of the pope and, in the name of the Finns oppressed and threatened by the Russians, who had in the meantime besieged Viipuri and devastated Turku Cathedral, between 1351 and 1352 they managed to pay to the faithful tithes and offerings in quantities greater than those exact for the period 1324-1329.

However, the king of Sweden had not found anyone to follow him in the planned offensive. Neither the Hanseatic cities, nor the Teutonic Order, which indeed opposed it, nor the Norwegian and Swedish magnates listened to him. In 1352 Clement VI died and the company was definitively wrecked. Nobody believed in the Nordic Crusades anymore.

From the beginning of the fifteenth century, Sweden suffered an eclipse due to the emergence of a foreign dynasty that transformed the conquest campaigns in the East into local disputes. The attempt made by Urban VI in 1378 to promote a new crusade against the Russians by granting indulgences to all those who had taken part in it or had financed it was therefore doomed to failure. In fact, the rulers of Mecklenburg and Denmark now preferred to trade with the Russians rather than wage war on them.

The funds raised in 1352 were not even used to pay for the damage caused by the Russians to the cathedral of Turku, "in the vicinio Ruthenorum paganorum situated", which they had set on fire in their previous raid, so much so that Innocent VI must grant special indulgences to the Finns who will contribute to the its reconstruction 1.

The threat exercised by the Russians against Finland was active throughout the fifteenth century, and as such is also recorded in papal documents1. From reading the fourteenth and fifteenth-century documents we get the impression that Finland is no longer linked to the Holy See by privileged ties, perhaps also due to the increased power of the monarchy that administers it and more than a borderland between the Catholic and "schismatic" seems to be treated as a simple source of tithes that are collected with meticulous attention, as happens in the rest of Scandinavia, by papal legates2.

The documentary value of this ordinary administration remains however considerable, in fact from its reading we obtain a very interesting cross-section of Finnish society1. The Curia is not only concerned with confirming the appointments of bishops, prelates, city and country parish priests, but must also listen to and take into consideration the complaints of these figures and also of the laity. In this sense, the Church of Rome was truly "mother", and her "children" turn to her to ask for the reparation of wrongs and to implore even modest economic benefits. The result is a precious set of information of a geographical and economic as well as historical nature.

Some of these missives may further remind us of the lack of information about Finland that characterizes medieval culture. In a document dating back to 1330-1334 the "ecclesia Aboensis in insula Finlandie" 1 is mentioned, but more commonly this distant Christian land is referred to simply indicating it as situated "prope Ruthenos infideles".

Sometimes the regions into which it is subdivided1 are mentioned, but more commonly only the main localities are mentioned, first of all Turku, but also Viipuri, where there was a convent founded in 13922. In Rome we are therefore aware that the Karelian city represents the advanced bastion of Christianity in this part of the North, being "prope nonnullas terras scismaticorum et infidelium" 3. These "schismatics" keep it under constant threat, which is why Boniface IX extends his personal protection to the minorite convent existing there.

In 1449 the king of Sweden Karl Knutsson had informed Nicholas V of the important function performed by the fortress of Viipuri1. In 1475, the appeal sent by Erik Axelsson "castellanus castrj Wiborgensis Aboensis diocesis" also reached Rome, asking for funds to build a leper colony, as the city was devastated by a "pestiferum et contagiosum morbum ... qui lepra communiter appellatur "2. Less frequent, as of more recent foundation, are the references to the convent of Naantali3.

Thanks to these documents, we can therefore draw a fairly complete picture of Finnish urban geography, including the smaller localities, most of which are in any case located in the territory of Turku1.

On the basis of the correspondence in Rome, it was also possible to know the distance that separated it from Finland, as well as that which divided the Finnish cities and even the suburbs of the countryside. Thus we know that the journey to the Eternal City was not only long and inconvenient, but also expensive, so much so that in 1326 the papal legates Jean de Serron and Bernard d'Orteuil authorized those who had been guilty of serious violations of canon law to pay in cash the equivalent of the cost of the trip that they would have had to undertake to present themselves in person at the Curia1. Those who come from Finland are for obvious reasons commonly referred to as inhabitants "de remotissimis partibus mundi" 2. The diocese of Turku is in fact located "in finibus terrarum circa scismaticos Rutenos et ultra mare Baldicum" or "in fine terrarum christianorum et confinibus ... scismaticorum", or "in partibus ultra marinis" and the city of Turku is located: "in remotissimis ... partibus Suecie ... "and is nearby" cristiane religionis inimicis "3.

The distance that separates Turku from Rome, refers to Leo X, is "quatuor millia milliaria Italica", which is why the local clergy easily evades the control of the central hierarchy1.

Not only is the Eternal City very far from Finland, but Uppsala itself, according to the justifications given by the bishop of Turku, is difficult to reach "per quatuor dietas nauigando, eciam cum vento prospero", always starting from Finland1.

In particular during the winter season it was difficult to reach Finland due to the ice, which is another reason for the papal legates not to go to that country1.

However, the documentary heritage preserved in the Vatican archives was not accessible to outsiders. The Holy See was in fact a sovereign state and for this reason the correspondence collected was excluded from the secular culture, in fact those shelves did not contain only historical information, but also the secrets of papal diplomacy, so it was more logical to block access. The same duty of discretion bound religious orders, notaries and copyists.

In conclusion, the secular world could not benefit from this patrimony, consequently the channel represented by the Church remains practically unproductive in this respect.